The basic principles of microeconomics rely on the concept
of comparative advantage. This functions best in a free-market economy both
domestically and internationally, and emphasizes a greater overall benefit for
society with the specialization it entails. Martin Wolf seems to have used this
simple economic concept as an answer to the very complex issue of how to best
address the international political economy. Once countries specialize in
production, the free market’s invisible hand will present prosperity. Wolf
claims that unchecked markets benefit society as a whole; “dynamic market
economies” (Wolf, 45) with no one in charge explain successful economies.
Allowing markets to function creates the most efficient international arena.
The first problem this mindset raises is that efficiency
often leads to increases in inequality. Free-markets allow for inequality in
their nature, but with no international regulations between domestic markets,
inequality grows and “the rich [are] getting richer while the poor [are] not
even holding their own” (Stiglitz, 8). This manifests itself in both developed
and developing countries, with developing countries often receiving the worst
of it. Many developing countries have been historically exploited and continue
to be in modern day. Nigeria exploited by Britain’s minimalist control that has
resulted in a state that is not autonomous or functional in any sense of the
word. Their neopatrimonial public sector has allowed elites to control natural
resources and personal property, so the country’s rise in GDP from the oil
industry has not benefited society. While Wolf and many others advocate an
unchecked international market, I fail to see how a 70% poverty rate in an oil-rich
country that partakes in this market is not an indication that change needs to
occur. While developing countries have been opening up their markets,
globalization has only raised inequality; it has “exposed developing countries
to more risks” (Stiglitz, 11) without providing any checks to ensure against
these risks.
Globalization has the potential to benefit all of its actors
including developing countries, but Americanization and the application of
comparative advantage does not lead to this result. While Wolf is more correct
in his theories of developed countries, developing countries simply do not have
the political structure to ensure equity and fairness. Without a just domestic
political structure, we cannot expect these country’s problems to be erased
once they are in the international sphere. In Nigeria alone, elites reap the
benefits from oil trade, and all that many heads of developed countries see is
the numeric gain both countries received from trade. We get oil, they get
money, end of story.
While we do not have the means to bring all countries up to
a state of development, we do have the ability to establish international
regulations that are separate from market forces. We need international
controls to sustain globalization and end exponential increases in inequality
within and between countries. There are no “democratic global institutions” on the
international level that have the capacity to deal with the problems of
globalization (Stiglitz, 21). We have created an international market that is
chaotic and involves numerous actors, the most powerful of which are developed
countries.
We must establish global regulations that do not allow for exploitation
and abject poverty if the international political economy is to do what Wolf
claims it can and actually benefit society as a whole.
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